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Our winter of discontent

By Tariq Fatemi

BORN amidst bloodshed and raised in turmoil, it appears that this country’s has been marked out for unceasing pain and suffering. In fact, the year just ended has had more than its usual share of disappointments — though also the occasional triumph.

Last year had dawned with the people still mourning Benazir Bhutto’s tragic assassination; a wound so sudden and so painful that it left them in a state of deep shock and trauma. It appeared as if the gods were conspiring once again to deny the people their hoped for redemption. But it speaks volumes for the people’s inner strength and unyielding resilience that even this tragedy could not extinguish their yearning for a genuinely democratic government.

The Feb 18 elections represented a powerful repudiation of authoritarianism and rejection of extremism and provided compelling evidence of the people’s inherent maturity and wisdom. Incidentally, these were the very people whose understanding and intelligence had been disparaged and ridiculed by Gen Musharraf who had claimed in Europe that they were not fit for democracy. If ever a people had voted with courage and conviction this was it. Pakistanis at home felt a sense of triumph, while those abroad exulted in understandable pride.

These high expectations were reinforced by the manner in which the country’s two most important mainstream political parties were able to resolve their differences and renew their commitment to the Charter of Democracy. Sadly, all this was too good to be true and to the deep regret of the people, the coalition broke up and the danger of a fierce tussle between Lahore and Islamabad, reminiscent of an earlier era, began to haunt the people. The manner in which the PPP chose to ignore its solemn commitments, including the restoration of the ousted judges and the repeal of the much-hated 17th Amendment, created the spectre of a debilitating confrontation.

Thus, the spring of hope gave way to the summer of disappointment. The stifling heat combined with fears of an economic meltdown, frayed nerves and deepened worries, sending the rupee plunging and the stock market crashing. As if this were not enough to sap the energies and shake the faith of the people, the state of uncertainty worsened with suicide and drone attacks.

It is true that the PPP is firmly entrenched in power — its co-chairman occupying the presidency, with all the authority wielded by his military predecessor, coupled by the legitimacy derived from the electoral process and aided by a submissive prime minister. This unnatural concentration of power in a single person has been explained as necessitated by the requirement of a strong leadership to preserve the democratic dispensation and to ensure good governance.

Instead, an increasing tendency to flout the rules and disregard established norms, are creating doubts regarding the ruling party’s commitment to strengthening the institutions of democracy and ensuring the rule of law. More importantly, whispers in the wind speak of a change, while even the party faithful complain of an absence of governance, a lack of direction and a sense of drift, all leading to a state of pervasive fear.

As if we this were not enough, the Mumbai terror attacks have pushed India and Pakistan to the brink of a major conflict. The audacious attacks exposed major weaknesses in India’s intelligence and security agencies. And, coming at a time when the country was preparing to go to polls, the Congress could not but adopt a belligerent attitude to cover-up its mistakes and derive electoral advantage from the tragedy. New Delhi may also have been motivated by a desire to test its newfound strategic ties with the US to see how far it could push the Bush administration to come down heavily on Pakistan.

After somewhat inconsistent and incoherent reactions, Islamabad was able to take important corrective steps. There is welcome vigour and resolve in its pronouncements, helped by the opposition’s call for strong and effective measures against terrorism.

India is certainly a big power now; it enjoys the support of major world capitals as well. It may not be a friend of Pakistan, but even those BJP leaders who talk of “strategic strikes” know well that while such an action would hurt Pakistan, it would not leave India unscathed either. India’s strategy may be a road paved with good intentions but will surely lead to the destruction of both. The two sides have tried war as well as bilateral negotiations to settle their differences. Let them now consider the regional approach that is finding increasing international favour with US president-elect Barack Obama among its most ardent advocates.

In any case, India does not constitute as great a threat to Pakistan’s political or economic well-being as the threat that emanates from within. Whatever the historic rationale or justification for policies that may have contributed to extremism, there can be no denying that it has now become a monster that threatens to destroy all that Pakistan stands for. And abroad it is pushing us into a frightening isolation that would leave us weak and vulnerable to both pressure and intimidation.

In a situation of domestic strife and external pressures, the need of the hour is to strengthen democratic institutions and honour the rule of law. But none of this can be achieved unless we go back to the only document that enjoys acceptance and legitimacy in the country, namely the 1973 Constitution and ensure compliance with the provisions of the Charter of Democracy. That would be a far more enduring and befitting tribute to the memory of Benazir Bhutto than any number of monuments named after her. That would also be the only way to pull the country out of the winter of discontent into which it is sliding inexorably.